"We Americans (and we Christians too) have regularly forgotten who we are, and neglected “the better angels of our nature.”
Like so much else during this election season,
the term “American exceptionalism” has become a political litmus test, defining who might qualify as a true patriot. For some, the phrase expresses the conviction of American moral and spiritual superiority in the world. America, they say, is a shining “city on a hill,” an exemplar for all the world to follow. It is, wrenching Lincoln’s words from their historical mooring, “the last best hope of earth.” Such high flying rhetoric may have some positive value, leading Americans to a renewed and constructive commitment to our national role on the world stage; but too often such language merely stokes the fires of xenophobia, the simmering racism, the violent militarism, and the religious intolerance which can be seen down on the street. Indeed, in this mode, American exceptionalism becomes American exemptionalism, a refusal to acknowledge any principles or rule of law outside ourselves. America, they say, is above and outside critique from any other quarter. Chauvinism has thus become a national virtue, and its chief expression is hubris.
The founders certainly had an awareness that they were doing something new, but the idea that America is exceptional appears to have originated in the 1831 travels of the French diplomat Alexis de Tocqueville, whose observations were published in the classic Democracy in America a few years later. Toqueville described America as exceptional, not in the sense of superiority, nor as an exemplar, but rather as unique; he traced this uniqueness to the convergence of three factors: a “strictly Puritanical origin,” “exclusively commercial habits,” and geography. Tocqueville went on to insist that Americans could be devoted to practical pursuits and not descend into barbarism because of their proximity to European civilizing influences in “science, literature, and the arts;” thus, while Europe carried the burden of civilization, Americans were unencumbered to work and enrich themselves.
One may push behind Tocqueville to the founding documents for a more political and less sociological view of American exceptionalism that nevertheless shares his view of the uniqueness of the American experiment. The American founders were committed to building a country that revered the sacredness of each individual and understood rights to be inherent in the person rather than the state. They didn’t think they needed to argue this, or prove it; it was “self-evident,” an axiom of their political theory. Further, they insisted that government was only legitimate insofar as there was consent of the governed; rulers serve the people and not vice-versa. And thirdly, they proposed that the nation would exist and thrive better without a single state-endorsed religion, and so prohibited government interference, through endorsement or censure, with personal religious choice, as well as banning any religious test for public office.
It is impossible to overstate the revolutionary nature of our founding movement. The accepted principles of civil, personal, and religious relations that governed European society were turned on their head and reinvented. Still, we should note in fairness that the principles articulated by the founders were then and are now more aspirational than actual: American exceptionalism, no matter how noble, has not eradicated the deep fissures of racism that continue to plague us, nor the temptation to impose military solutions to international issues, nor the animosity toward immigrants, nor the enmity toward other faiths. In spite of our exceptionalism, all of these, and a myriad other social issues, continue to simmer and sometimes threaten to boil over in our midst. In short, we Americans (and we Christians too) have regularly forgotten who we are, and neglected “the better angels of our nature.”
A case in point is the recent shameful spectacle in Newton County over the future construction of a mosque. There in
the historic courthouse in Covington, hundreds of intemperate voices of fear, hatred and ignorance drowned out any
proponents of decency and rationality in a delirium of bigotry that struck me as both profoundly un-American and
fundamentally anti-Christian. There wasn’t even a plan to object to, only the specter of a stereotyped Islam to roil the
waters. As a flyer passed out among the attendees perversely insisted, “No good Muslim can be a good American” (it
wasn’t long ago that this was said of Catholics). Surely both our political tradition and our religious commitments require us to do better and to be better.
The fact that we fail to live up to our exceptionalism either as Americans or as Christians does not mean we should
surrender to the forces of darkness among us. It does however call us to humility and repentance, even as we redouble our efforts to be more true and faithful. Martin Luther King concluded his famous “I Have a Dream” speech with
these words: “. . . when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every
state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews
and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,
‘Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!’” Today, Dr. King would no doubt add “Muslims and
Christians” to his list. Today our faith – religious and political – is being tested and judged by how we choose to be
with and for the Muslims in our midst.
Fritz